The commissioners began work the next day, then spent a week touring the coal regions. Wright used the staff of the Department of Labor to collect data about the cost of living in the coalfields. The commissioners held hearings in Scranton over the next three months, taking testimony from witnesses, including for the striking miners, for nonunion mineworkers, for the operators, and eleven called by the Commission itself.
Baer made the closing arguments for the coal operators, while lawyer Clarence Darrow closed for the workers.
The Tragedy Of The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire
Although the commissioners heard some evidence of terrible conditions, they concluded that the "moving spectacle of horrors" represented only a small number of cases. By and large, social conditions in mine communities were found to be good, and miners were judged as only partly justified in their claim that annual earnings were not sufficient "to maintain an American standard of living. Baer said in his closing arguments, "These men don't suffer. Why, hell, half of them don't even speak English".
In the end, however, the rhetoric of both sides made little difference to the Commission, which split the difference between mineworkers and mine owners. The miners had asked for an eight-hour day and were awarded a nine-hour day instead of the standard ten hours then prevailing. While the operators refused to recognize the United Mine Workers, they were required to agree to a six-man arbitration board, made up of equal numbers of labor and management representatives, with the power to settle labor disputes.
Mitchell considered that de facto recognition and called it a victory. John Mitchell wrote that eight men died during the five months, "three or four" of them strikers or sympathizers. The first casualty occurred July 1. An immigrant striker named Anthony Giuseppe was found fatally shot near a Lehigh Valley Coal Company colliery in Old Forge ; it was thought the Coal and Iron Police guarding the site shot blindly through a fence. He'd been loitering near the half-dynamited house of a non-union worker and disobeyed an order to halt.
Shortall , that was taken to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. Membership in other unions soared, as moderates argued they could produce concrete benefits for workers much sooner than radical Socialists who planned to overthrow capitalism in the future. Mitchell proved his leadership skills and mastery of the problems of ethnic, skill, and regional divisions that had long plagued the union in the anthracite region.
By contrast the strikes of the radical Western Federation of Miners in the West often turned into full-scale warfare between strikers and both employers and the civil and military authorities. This strike was successfully mediated through the intervention of the federal government, which strove to provide a " Square Deal "—which Roosevelt took as the motto for his administration—to both sides. The settlement was an important step in the Progressive era reforms of the decade that followed. There were no more major coal strikes until the s. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
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Labor disputes by sector. Agricultural strikes. Coal strikes. Metal mining strikes.
Steel strikes. Textile strikes. Transport strikes. Manufacturing strikes. Transit strikes. Streetcar strikes St. Service strikes. John's Memphis sanitation St.
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General strikes. Organized labour portal. Archived from the original on Retrieved Brands, T. Hale, The Coal Trade p. Organized labor; its problems, purposes, and ideals and the present and future of American wage earners. American Book and Bible House. Press of J. Trauger printing Company.
Why the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire Makes for a Complicated History
Daily News from Mount Carmel, Pennsylvania. July 2, Retrieved 25 March Chilton Company. August 7, Los Angeles Herald. Theodore Roosevelt. Roosevelt Libel Trial.
Those too terrified to jump succumbed to smoke and fire. After the blaze was extinguished, firefighters entering the ninth floor found the charred skeletons of women still bent over their sewing machines. Triangle put a human face on the people in these sweatshops. The names of the dead evoke the culture of new arrivals to America at the turn of the century: Concetta, Dora, Yetta, Michelina, Bessie, Nettie, Lucia.
The Triangle factory owners were indicted but acquitted because New York state failed to prove the doors were deliberately locked. But a larger victory awaited: Unions and their allies in the aftermath of the fire kept the pressure on for reforms, galvanizing broader public support in the process. Fire safety laws and enforcement were strengthened, leading to automatic sprinklers, fire drills and marked fire exit doors that open easily.
A progressive era of reform was born from the Triangle ashes. The tragedy shaped the political outlook of Eleanor Roosevelt and Frances Perkins, both of whom urged Democratic leaders such as Al Smith and Robert Wagner to seize the reform mantle in New York state. Historic legislation of the era created unemployment compensation and Social Security. Years later, Perkins would say the New Deal began on the day Triangle burned.
But none of this happened in a vacuum, noted labor historian Steve Golin, professor emeritus at Bloomfield College. Huge strikes in shut down major cities and millions took to the streets. Union power, which included strikes, continued to grow after World War II.
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